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I stick by my argument as it is based entirely on first-hand information from eye witnesses. Ever heard of Morihiro Saito Sensei?

You and everyone else for that matter should try Iwama Aikido under Sensei Hitohiro Saito now, experience it and maybe be enlightened.

I tried it and it opened my eyes to a whole new perspective. Now to answer the question posted for this topic.. I used to practice Aikikai before.

It might give cause for reflection of your position. If you disagree with the positions stated in the article, please outline your opinions and support your arguments.

When I was retiring from the military, and getting ready to leave Japan, there were a few parties thrown for me. I let people know that my intentions had been all along to learn really high quality Aikido to bring back to Florida and disseminate through the southeast.

Inagaki-Sawa Sensei was very proud to have grown up in Iwama and to have been promoted to nidan when he was The techniques felt exactly the same as what Saito Sensei was teaching up in Iwama and Hitohiro Saito Sensei was teaching in Yoyogi Uehara which was 3 or 4 stops south of Shinjuku station on the Odakyu Line.

With the reaction from these people I was certain that I had achieved that goal. Unfortunately, I could not practice the Iwama Style often enough and Nishio Sensei was teaching on a circuit I could follow on many nights of the week.

What he was teaching was also very strong and reliable, but very different in execution. As I progressed, the path to black belt went through Nishio Sensei; there was no particular preference cause I loved both styles.

Nishio Sensei held tests regularly and quarterly at multiple locations. That was where I got the most practice, so that was the route I took.

I continue to teach my beginners the Iwama Style cause I want them to have that great foundation before I blow their minds with the Nishio techniques.

This is a most interesting article and in all agrees with all the information I have been getting from many persons I talked to in Iwama through the years.

All of these I talk about had first hand experience of the Founder and of Kisshomaru Sensei. Since I am no historian, I do not have a system for labeling these people.

Also some information was from people whose name I never knew or was too difficult to remember and now have passed away. But they were eager to talk about their experiences and leave some information behind.

But it will only offend those who do not research, understandable, too. Aikido practitioners, specially teachers, should take some time to study, to read, to talk to others seriously and, especially, to listen.

Some information we learn about people whom we had such a high ideal of, may compromise our sympathy and admiration for them, but at the same time, makes them human.

They are still important to us and to aikido history, but human. That the Founder was a martial genius is not to be doubted, I think.

But the art was propagated by others using his name. This is so clear like a summer sky in Lisbon. Kisshomaru was a hard working man, no credit is taken from him in this.

On the contrary! The many times I met him in Iwama he was always polite and quiet. Sensei urged us to have the deepest respect for him.

But this quiet person, together with advise of others as well, was the mind behind the way most aikido is practiced today.

Certainly an interesting article… I believe your info is spot on. He is passionate about not altering what he learned from the founder.

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Billiard, Dans tout OpenEdition. Accueil Catalogue des revues OpenEdition Search. But why did the younger not present another temporality in the same positive light as the elder, although it might be extremely different?

Had not many English thinkers already given way to a thought of non-linear times? This last point allows us to focus, among other theories, on the advantages of a theory of fictions, provided it may be deepened, to think about the reciprocal games of generations.

How to give, in this reflection, the right share to reality and fiction? We may be tempted to claim that the population pyramid tells the truth about reality and, consequently, tells the truth about the ideological processes that necessarily come along with it and for which one of the best illustrations is the thought of a temporalization that, instead of leading to a revolt against a one-sided conception of time, blames itself for being unable to identify itself with it; but why would reality not chose the side of the clashes of temporalities that radically frame our lives without any room for manoeuvres in order to change them?

In this case, it is the demographic pyramid that would be a fiction which does not stand for things themselves, but represents a sort of snapshot that has no more truth than the instantaneous speed of the physicist.

A theory of fiction does not allow us an arbitrary choice between the first or the second option; but it is possible for it to adopt each in turn, without the former claiming to be more real than the other.

Many situations which seem impossible when we consider them as graphs are perfectly bearable in reality: B. Vernier showed in the same way that the very improbable kinship structures of the Karpathos island could have reached our days through many centuries precisely because those structures, improbable to the extent of seeming impossible, become bearable when they are supported by affects and sentiments; there is no less reality in a play of affects than in the structure that seems to tell things and, sometimes, makes the demographer sound the alarm.

However, I do not want to give reasons to postpone the moment when the democratic dialogue must make possible the best decisions concerning what people at work must pay to others, and what those who are no longer at work are in the right to expect from them without referring themselves to obsolete contracts of which nobody — except erudite historians — knows why, how and with whom they were entered into in former times.

Far from inscribing contracts in eternity, it is, on the contrary, necessary to accept temporality, not forcibly only when it goes off smoothly, in order to attempt by all the means given to intelligence to control its course.

In this respect, it is not impossible that the pension system must be radically reformed, if not in all the countries of the European Community, at least in France where the authoritarian system of a legally decided retirement date at the same age has no sense.

It is right indeed that the share of work from which the younger generations were so long excluded — up to being pauperized — will become problematic if everybody could choose freely to retire.

Here, we find again the same necessity to limit one principle by another; the pure cultivation of unlimited principle — be it a component of a democratic regime — or, by the way, principles filtered in Rawlsian lexical order, are making democracy dysfunction.

However, it is not, as Hume concluded, with less democracy, but with more democracy, that problems could be solved. Finally, the impossibility of separating one generation from another, which may seem dangerous, because of the confusing situation it generates, due to the paradoxical issue of the deepening gap between one generation and another, also gives the means to move them closer by another turn.

So, the repentant moroseness of a conflict of temporalities from which certain young people could not choose the best, stamped by ontology and phenomenology, may be countered with intergenerational teaching, which does not always function in one way, from the elder to the younger, but conversely, as M.

Mead showed, from the younger to the elder. So techniques, detested by a certain phenomenology, far from working to divide men, to vulgarize them in preventing them from thinking and feeling, would rather have the reverse function.

A politics may be drawn out from this reflection on historicity and the becoming of technical objects. If people held its deliberations on the basis of adequate information without the citizens communicating with one another, what emerged from all the little particular wills would always be the general will, and the decision would always be good.

But when plots and deals lead to the formation of partial associations at the expense of the big association, the will of each of these associations—the general will of its members—is still a particular will so far as the state is concerned; so that it can then be said that as many votes as there are men is replaced by as many votes as there are associations.

The particular wills become less numerous and give a less general result. And when one of these associations is so great as to prevail over all the rest, the result is no longer a sum of small particular wills but a single particular will; and then there is no longer a general will, and the opinion that prevails is purely particular.

Bristow, The Sociology of Generations. New directions and challenges , Palgrave, Macmillan, , p. Nous oublions que nous ne savons plus.

Then, after this great mea culpa worded by her bouger interlocutor, M-F. It is the adults who need of the new knowledge of their children. Serre repeated an idea of M.

Mead who said in , op. Conversely, the older generation will never see repeated in the lives of young people their own unprecedented experience or sequentially emerging change.

Democracy and human rights are universal aspirations and ideals which governments that claim to be legitimate should always respect.

There are scholars who feel that the emergence of the international regime of human rights, linking human rights to democracy, has weakened the preexisting ideological divide by conditioning governance to the requirements of human rights.

This has been the case especially since the UN developed the Human Rights-Based Approach hereafter HRBA , urging member-states to use this approach in the pursuit of political goals, such as development and good governance.

Not surprisingly, some of the scholars who used to stubbornly defend this or that ideological school of thinking are now prepared to be flexible and accept the validity of human rights which were not tolerated traditionally by their ideological camps, such as the rights to health or education and minority rights.

However, many others have remained in their ideological barracks, criticizing or belittling the UN approach to human rights and democracy because it deviates from their ideological orthodoxy.

These scholars may never surrender until and unless the contours of international human rights law are perfectly aligned to their own ideological doctrines.

Many other scholars have preferred to watch from the sidelines as the HRBA takes root. Their silence has created a wide gap in the academic literature where contributions are most needed.

Publications on HRBA which come after it is fully developed will still be welcome, especially for those interested in history.

However, timely commentaries can make valuable contributions to debates around the direction democracy and human rights are taking. It is bearing this in mind that this study was undertaken.

The importance of this subject-matter hardly needs explaining. In the UN adopted the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, encouraging the promotion of human rights awareness, and affirming the rights of individuals to be concerned with human rights and to claim their rights.

In response to this, and in the interest of critically assessing the broader political implications of this approach, the academic world should share its intellectual insights rather than lagging behind.

Scholars should feel free to express their own views, including those which further particular economic, social and political interests.

This is, in fact, what most of them do, defending their respective beliefs in the name of justice, even though their conclusions are hardly reconcilable.

Still, it is better for scholars to make contributions, rather than leaving questions relating to human rights and democracy to be shaped by political actors to meet their needs.

The philosophers who previously devoted their lives to answering these questions now rest in peace, after agreeing to disagree with one other, leaving their followers intellectually restless.

The ideological camps that have gradually emerged are not only numerous, but also tolerant of multiple interpretations, thereby blurring the landscape.

Less colorful, more focused and relevant to the real political world is the approach used by global political organizations, such as the UN.

Their positions are widely accepted for the simple reason that they are products of a broader political consensus, which accommodates the diverse views of experts from different fields.

What makes the UN approach legitimate is the existence of a legal mandate to promote human rights as stipulated by article 1 paragraph 3 of its Charter.

Using this mandate, this organization has adopted an impressive list of international human rights instruments which have been widely ratified by its member-states.

The contents of some of these human rights instruments concern democracy, directly or indirectly, as will be shown later. The compliance by state with the undertakings assumed under these international instruments is monitored by a number of international bodies using a range of different methods, for example by considering reports and petitions received, or by tracking the progress made.

Obviously, there is a long way to go before this international regime of human rights achieves its goals. However, no one can seriously question that the UN has reached a milestone by developing this international regime, thereby making the world a more humane place than before.

When it comes to the promotion of democracy, per se , the contributions of the UN are often belittled by those who are displeased by the apparent neglect of the preferences of their own ideological camp.

In fact, much was achieved, especially considering that the organization was prevented during the Cold War period from engaging in what was deemed to fall under the domestic jurisdiction of states by paragraph 7 of article 2 of its own Charter.

It is also important to remember that there was no consensus around which political system served democracy best. Was it that of the U.

Or the Swiss confederal model, which did not permit women to vote until the s? Or that of the socialist states in the Eastern bloc, which disregarded political rights?

Leaving this aside, the UN has played a crucial role in developing the rights of peoples , by elaborating the contents of these rights, e.

These clarifications were significant for democracy since they concern both peoples the demos and good governance kratia. This approach addressed democracy head-on, and not only from a theoretical perspective.

Decolonization was advanced by applying the Charter principle on the right of peoples to self-determination.

Arbitrary usurpation of power was denounced in many countries, and the UN began to monitor elections in post-conflict situations or where there were serious political conflicts.

The support which it gave and still gives to the promotion of gender mainstreaming, empowerment and participatory rights also concern democracy.

The collapse of the Socialist regimes in the former USSR and its Eastern European allies, who were the staunchest defenders of state sovereignty, removed one of the most serious hurdles to the promotion of democracy.

The UN capitalized on this political development to raise the banner of democracy, which gained prominence on its agendas.

Initially, this approach was recommended as a tool for application in the promotion of economic development.

However, gradually its use was extended to other areas, for example, to health, child welfare, gender mainstreaming etc. Proceeding from the above acknowledgement, this study examines the road map used by the UN in developing and promoting human rights and democracy, and how it urges its members to conduct themselves by applying HRBA.

The questions which guide this study are clear-cut. Is there a UN perception of democracy? What are the consequences of relying on HRBA to promote democracy?

Will this reliance promote democracy in form, as well as, in substance? Will it empower the victims of oppression and marginalization, thereby ending despotism, oppression and bad governance once and for all?

What are the wider political consequences and implications of using this bottom-up approach? Will it lead to the fragmentation of multi-ethnic and multi-national states by making them ungovernable when the voices of the marginalized are heard?

Will states reject HRBA because of fears that it will lead to the destabilization of their governments?

Only then will one be able to judge the significance and implications of the approach used by the UN based on the application of the human rights norm.

Democracy, as was pointed out earlier, is praised and aspired to across the globe while at the same time being controversial. This is one reason why varied forms of democracies are found, whose goals and features are often at odds with one another.

This model is supposed to guarantee individual political rights freedom of expression, association and assembly , universal suffrage, a free media, and the multi-party parliamentarian model of governance based on the division of power with checks and balances.

However, the systems of governance in Italy, France, the United States and Denmark are far from being the same. If the attack on the media makes democracy illiberal then the U.

Before the demise of the Socialist order in Eastern Europe and U. In the Nordic countries the phrase social democracy is used to describe their welfare system, which is financed through higher taxation.

Even within a single country, we can see the bewildering variety of ways the word democracy is used. Sweden, for example, was governed during the last few years by a coalition led by the Swedish Social Democrats.

The opposition camp included the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Democrats. All this may well make Swedish citizens wonder who the true democrats are.

Dictionaries define democracy in a variety of way, reflecting the divergent ways the term is understood in the real political world. Sources that fail to do this or that tell only one side of this perplexing story run the risk of being criticized for being ideologically biased.

This is why we find this term defined in different ways, reflecting the political mess in the real world. According to dictionary.

These and other similar broad and varied definitions of democracy raise more questions than they answer.

Does this term mean self-rule by the people collectively, as a group, where all the members of the community have equal voice and are the beneficiaries of this rule?

Or does it mean majority rule? For example, does the fact that the political system restricts voting rights to men only or to certain racial groups mean that there is no democracy?

What about if the country does not respond to the needs of the people, e. Should the political system promote real equality and a fair distribution of resources?

One way of understanding democracy would be to examine the toot of the word itself, i. Aristotle listed many other examples when he wrote:. Over the years, these experiences of the Greek city-states inspired many political communities to emulate them.

What distinguished their experiences from those of the ancient Greeks were the right-based justifications used to legitimize the political system and the structures that were created to ensure its continuity, e.

Like the proponents of democracy in ancient Greece, the American and French revolutionaries claimed to have empowered the people by giving them self-rule.

Unfortunately, this is often misinterpreted as meaning the total empowerment of all members of the political community the people , in the sense of being full beneficiaries of the political system.

This is far from true. The democratic experiments in Istrus, Heraclea, Cnidus, Erythrea and Basilidae, which Aristotle wrote about, did not permit all the members of these communities to participate in the political process children, women and slaves, for examples, were excluded.

Despite this obvious exclusion from power, the political system was called democracy, apparently because it was expected that those who were empowered by the system would promote the interests of the community as a whole, e.

Before slavery was abolished in the s black slaves were deemed to be the property of their white owners. Many of the celebrated fathers of the American Revolution, such as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, were themselves slave-owners.

White women too were marginalized and excluded from positions of power until the mids. The French Republics which were established following the French Revolution also failed to deliver the democracy that had been promised, until after World War II.

Is this people composed of all the persons that are present in the country, including foreign residents and tourists, or only the citizens wherever they may be , or is it selected categories of citizens e.

Is the power or authority of this people simply to choose who should rule, regardless of whether the chosen ruler is a tyrant or one who responds to the wishes and needs of the governed?

In other words, does democracy empower the people to rule itself through elected representatives who can be removed if they fail to respond to what the electorate wants and expects?

The term is commonly used to describe a particular social group by combining it with a social, territorial other factor. This means while people in a society can be divided according to the languages they speak, the religions they profess and the territories they inhabit, legally they constitute one entity.

Understood in this unique technical sense, a people can be very young, e. Two distinct peoples can merge, example as the East and West German peoples did following the fall of the Berlin Wall, and one people can split into two or more new political communities, as occurred in Yugoslavia and the USSR.

Again, a people can also exist for well over a thousand years. The fact that no human being can live that long makes no difference. Grotius clarified the distinction that should be borne in mind between the lives of these kinds of imagined political communities and those of their members by stating the following.

If the existence of a people as a political community is indisputable, a question which follows from this is how can this people govern itself as suggested by the term democracy?

Does this necessarily mean that the voice and interests of all the members of this political community should count? This honest statement exposes the hypocrisy surrounding those who brag about behaving in accordance with the principles of democracy.

If democracy is the rule of the people as a whole, government which responds to the interests of a minority or a majority cannot be democratic.

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